الأربعاء، ٨ آب ٢٠١٢

Dismembering the Arab World - Dr Makram KhouryMachool

The behaviour of the NATO-aligned, anti-Syrian bloc is now blatant enough for us to better understand what is happening in Syria. On the one hand, we find political operators such the ad-hoc group ‘Friends of Syria’, and on the other, two Arab personalities, both ministers of two Gulf sheikhdoms.
The first group includes NATO-led heads of states, with a barely disguised Israeli master-plan conceived by the likes of Bernard-Henri Lévy. Rather than being the friends of Syria, these personalities are arguably working to secure their own financial interests in, around, and via Syria. The two Arab politicians are the two foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia and Qatar. They have declared that those forces acting violently against the Syrian state should be armed and financially supported. In short, these conventions of the so-called ‘Friends of Syria’ are probably no more than a ‘modern’ version of those meetings conducted by Viceroy Lord Curzon, who, in 1903, addressed the ‘Chiefs of the Arab Coast’ on HMS Argonaut in Sharjah (UAE).
The Qataris and Saudis give financial support to the ‘rebels’ for weapons, payments to fighters and mercenaries, and logistical oversight of attacks on Syria. All of this is in addition to their support with telecommunication services, combat tactics, and strategic military advice. Unsurprisingly, the Western military advisors, who operate for the armed groups behind the scenes, do not feature in any media outlets. Neighbouring states also provide geographical assistance to the armed groups, with Jordan providing a passage for mercenaries from Libya, and Turkey acting as the northern military base for operations.
Turkey is involved because of its wish to align itself with the Saudi-Sunni, NATO-backed line and also its fear that a dismembered Syria would lead to the promotion of Kurdish autonomy. In their eyes, this could bring about the eventual union of the Kurds with Iraqi and Syrian Kurds and then lead to civil war with Turkey and the eventual separation of Kurdistan from Turkey and the creation of a Kurdish state.
For its part, Israel has for decades planned, as part of its strategy to dominate the Middle East and the Mediterranean, to weaken Syria in order to continue its occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights and to dominate water sources. Essentially, Israel wants to be the main economic and military power in the region and indeed, Israel may well emerge from the weakening of Syria as the main winner, if only in the short-term.
Through its orchestrated media campaigns transmitted over the decades to its own public, Israel has constructed a concept of Syria as the major threat to its existence in the Arab world. Arguably, the governmental vacuum that might be created in Syria could be filled by al-Qaeda-like groups giving sufficient justification for Israel’s actions (against Syria and/or Iran) and would also promote the idea of a conflict between ‘civilized-democratic’ Israel and ‘savage’ Islamists.
Despite huge differences between Syria and Libya, Syria’s fate could be similar to that of Libya in terms of direct foreign intervention, were not Russia and China firmly opposed such actions at the UN, where there has been consistent cooperation between the two. Although the origins of Sino-Soviet relations go back to the early days of the 1917 Communist Revolution, it seems that, even two decades after the dismantlement of the Eastern Bloc, the Russian Federation and the Republic of China are, more than ever, following what Mao Tse-tung advised in his ‘Be a True Revolutionary’ address on 23 June 1950. Here, Tse-tung said that ‘in the international sphere we must firmly unite with the Soviet Union’ (see Selected Works of Mao Tsetung, vol. V. p. 39). Shared ideology, world vision, economic interests, and objectives in the field of energy have brought Russia and China ever closer together over the Syrian conflict.
World oil production is headed by Saudi Arabia, with Russia second, the USA third, Iran fourth and China fifth. In terms of oil reserves, we find that the top ten states are: 1) Venezuela, 2) Saudi Arabia, 3) Canada, 4) Iran, 5) Iraq, 6) Kuwait, 7) UAE, 8) Russia, 9) Kazakhstan and 10) Libya. Russia is the largest gas producer in the world, with Europe dependent on its gas sourcing. In world gas production, if, because of their geographical distance, we exclude the USA and Canada, Iran comes second and Qatar third. In terms of gas reserves, Russia is number one, with Iran and Qatar in fourth place and Saudi Arabia in sixth. With neighbouring Saudi Arabia as one of the ten leading producers of gas in the world, it is clear why the export interests of Qatar and Saudi Arabia are particularly important and this ranking should give us a clear idea of the alliances that have formed in light of the Syrian conflict.
Saudi Arabia and Qatar (which in different circumstances could have been one state and might yet experience a geographical reshuffle) are both Arab-Muslim-Sunni and both have economic interests. Qatar’s greedy pursuit of marketing contracts for Libyan gas and oil supplies explains its agreement with NATO to attack Libya, its symbolic participation in the air strikes and its support for the rebels to establish a media capability.
Qatar’s aim is to export its gas toEurope, compete with the Russians and gain important political bargaining chips. In order for the export of Qatari gas to Europe to be feasible and competitive, a gas pipe must be laid through Syria. As Russia’s long-standing ally and with the precedents of numerous joint deals dating back to the USSR era, Syria is unlikely to allow anything to threaten the destabilization of Russia’s interests in their last strategic stronghold in the Arab world. This is the main reason why Qatar and Saudi Arabia are supporting the opposition’s struggle to topple the Syrian government.
Syria is fast becoming a Pandora’s box from which all the historical crises of the last 120 years are re-emerging. These begin with the Russo-Turkish war in 1877-8, the Russo-Japanese war in 1904, WWI and WWII and the Cold War. Normally, it takes a superpower 2-3 decades to emerge. It took the USA nearly 25 years to emerge as a superpower from 1890 to the end of WWI. After the death of Lenin in 1924, the USSR was the sick man of Europe. In 1945, after WWII and under Stalin, it emerged as a superpower. After Gorbachev, Russia ceased to be a superpower and seemingly, the Cold War ended. In just over two decades, Putin has ended the unipolar system and a new bipolar world is emerging – as if the Cold War had never ended.
Close examination of the Syrian political system reveals that Syrian president Bashar al-Assad is, indeed, a reformist. However, in Syria, as in any other state, factions are intertwined in power-struggles and these and the necessary processes of socialization will take some time to work through. Whilst, as Assad said, it takes just a couple of minutes to sign a new law, it takes much longer to educate people to absorb and participate in the implementation of the new values those laws enshrine. Western ruling elites’ portrayal of these new norms as seemingly growing on trees is an act of disutility and definitely immoral.
Syria was the last secular, socially-cohesive Arab state based on a top-down secular ideology. Despite its volatile, geopolitical surroundings (Lebanon, Turkey, Israel, Jordan and Iraq), Syrian citizens lived securely under this Arab secularism. Syria encompasses a particular type of pluralism and multiculturalism, embedded with religious tolerance and a pluralist existence. This is demonstrated by the toleration of a church, a mosque, a bar and the equal coexistence of both secular and veiled women. In fact, the reform process begun in Syria is more advanced than any similar process in any other Arab state. It includes the removal of emergency laws, the implementation of party laws, election laws, a key media law, and the approval of a new constitution including the removal of the article on the sole leadership of the al-Ba’ath party. Such reforms are part of a genuine political process that will take time. However, this reform process has been totally and intentionally undermined by forces, including Western governments acting against the Syrian state. In the last decades, and particularly since 9/11, the West has continually propagated the notion that Islamist terrorists have been threatening the secular way of life. However, Sunnis, technically the religious majority in Syria, contain large segments, and are no less secular than any other Western society.
So, despite Syrians’ clear right to defend the secularity of their way of life, the aim of the West is to dismantle the Syrian state, alter the power structure, and create new demo-geographic entities such as a confederation of the Syrian and Iraqi Kurds, which at present, is Turkey’s nightmare. Specific areas might also be depopulated, which might then be used, as has been done with the Druze, to repopulate with Syrian Christians and perhaps with Christians from Lebanon. Other Christians would leave the Levant altogether. The Alawites would then have another state, linked perhaps, with Iran.
The plan is to destroy the modern Arab state of Syria that emerged after WWI and in the 1940s, and, where possible, to establish new religious states (similar to the Jewish state of Israel). In this way, Arab power and along with it, the Pan-Arab ideology of Michel Aflaq and Antun Sa’ade (both Arab Christians) and Nasser of Egypt, would disappear. This process began when, in 1978-9 under Sadat, Egypt signed its peace treaty with Israel, and was followed by the destruction of Lebanon in 1982, the second Intifada in 1987, and the economic takeover of Iraq in 2003. It was then followed in Libya with the seizing of oil and gas in 2011. Therefore, in order to keep the US-Rael (US-Israel) hegemony, the West needs to align states along sectarian lines (Sunni-Shiite) rather than on Pan-Arabism. Indeed, this process was boosted after the occupation of Iraq and the toppling of the Ba’ath party.
In practice, what is now happening in the Arab world is a ‘correction’ of the 1916 Sykes-Picot agreement, when the main colonial powers, Britain and France, carved out the boundaries of the current Arab states and installed their own Arab agents. These ongoing, neo-colonial plans include provision for any two or more Arab parties to fight the Syrian regime and to keep them fighting until such time as each state is dismembered and fractured into 2-3 states, based on sectarian lines. Then colonial elites can continue to scoop up the wealth because, after all, the imperial mentality has hardly changed.
Since Western powers cannot achieve this on their own, they need agents such as Qatar in Libya and Saudi Arabia, Qatar and others in Syria. These agents, preferably self-serving, undemocratic Arab-Muslim-Sunni monarchies, will use Sunni-Islam to promote fanaticism against other Arabs, Muslims and non-Muslims (e.g., Arab Christians, Shiites and Druze). Those Arabs with access to the (economic) global elite (for example, the Royal Saudi family and the Qataris with the Americans and other European elites) are, by and large, the ruling elites in the Arab Gulf or their protégés. It is they who are driving a wedge between the various sects and magnifying and exploiting the playing of the Sunni card with non-Arab Muslim Sunni Turkey against Syria. It would hardly be a surprise either if they were in cahoots with Israel-serving Western powers. Otherwise, it would remain fairly difficult to explain why the most authoritarian regime on earth, Saudi Arabia, is acting against Syria and trying to teach it lessons in democracy, something that Saudi Arabia is not very keen to know much about.
The negative, orientalist, propaganda campaigns conducted against Syria in the past year with the financial backing of some Gulf countries have intentionally obscured elements within Syria, such as Syria’s secularism – something with which Western societies would naturally identify. So, the importance of Syria’s largely secular Ba’ath Party ideology, which guaranteed at least private liberties, has been kept hidden. This is for example in addition to the fact that Daoud Rajhah, the assassinated Syrian Minister of Defence, was a Christian, as was Dr Nabil Zughaib, the recently assassinated (along with his family) head of the Syrian missile programme.
The above examples of a deliberate elimination of facts are arguably due to Syria’s alliance with Russia, which is the ‘wrong’ camp. This close relationship between Syria and Russia has lasted for over five decades. Furthermore, Syria is the soft (Alawaite/Shiite-secular) underbelly between NATO refusnik (Shiite) Iran and Shiite HizboAllah in Lebanon. Whilst in Israel’s short-term eyes, the main opposition to its domination is Iran (as well as HizboAllah, Syria, and formerly, Hamas), Syria is now, therefore, the target. As such, Syria is now taking the punishment, so that the whole metaphorical body will eventually be dismembered.
But what is the relevance of Hamas here? Until it democratically won the elections in 2006 (nearly two years after the assassination of Yasser Arafat), and then a year later staged a coup against the Fatah-controlled Palestinian Authority in the Gaza Strip, Hamas was a resistance movement supported by Iran, Damascus, and HizboAllah. If Iran is the metaphorical ‘head’ and HizboAllah and Hamas the two legs, Syria has been the ‘belly’ or the ‘heart’ and ‘lungs’ of this ‘body’ of resistance. But since Hamas has run the Gaza Strip, it has largely ceased to be a resistance movement and has become institutionalized. Here, Israel (and Sharon in particular) won a tactical victory. At hardly any cost, Israel withdrew from the Gaza Strip, while keeping it under siege, attacking it at will and giving the keys to the prisoners (Hamas) to run for them the largest open-air prison on earth. And all this was done without Hamas even realizing what was going on. Perhaps someone thought that the name could be beautified and, instead of prison, it might turn into an EmiRison (Emirate and prison).
In the first half of 2012, Hamas’ leaders left Damascus, where their headquarters were, and are now keeping publicly quiet and refraining from supporting the Syrian government – a government, which has supported them for more than two decades. With the victory of the Muslim Brotherhood in Tunisia and Egypt, and their rise in Libya, Hamas now seems to have new and powerful patrons, and in countries where it can operate from a much more powerful position. Hamas’ leadership (both in the Diaspora and in the Gaza Strip) has been invited by the newly elected Egyptian president, to join, the Muslim Brotherhood (their mother organization) as equals. What seemed until yesterday to be a resistance movement (though some may argue that they were never revolutionary, unlike other leftist Palestinian factions, such as the PFLP, DFLP, etc.), is now woven into the embroidery of a Sunni-Muslim alliance which has started to act under the wing of NATO.
Western orientalists like to imagine what needs to happen for their interests in the Orient to be served. They begin by labeling the Arab world the ‘Middle East’, as if it were just a geographical marker placed only in relation to where they themselves are. In order to secure their planned thievery, they invent terms to obfuscate and justify their covert or overt military actions. However, their security/intelligence services always fail to predict developments in the Arab world such as the Intifada of 1987 and the Hamas coup in 2007. Still, their superficial and ignorant power-elites never cease to manufacture new names and processes, the latest of which is the naming of whatever started in Tunisia as the ‘Arab Spring’.
What is happening in some Arab states and in the Arab world is no ‘Spring’: it is a reactionary process which will bounce back, as the USA experienced in Afghanistan, where the US both created and supported the same jihadists they later fought against. So, the US-Israel has been trying to cut deals with the Islamists in power so that they may control the masses. Indeed, this is not the first time that political strategists have tried to use religion to avoid chaos and defend their economic interests. This is similar to what Machiavelli described (based on the account of the Roman historian Titus Livius (Livy) Patavinus (59 BC-17 AD), who wrote Books from the Foundation of the City) and referred to in Discourses on Livy, when he sub-headed a chapter as: ‘How the Romans made religion serve to reorder the city and carry out their enterprise to stop tumults’.
So, Western propaganda campaigns against Syria seek to convince the public (the ‘plebs’) to fear religion rather than obey their current Arab leaders. This is why, despite the censored protests in the three Arab kingdoms (KSA, Morocco and Jordan), the world has hardly (because of censorship, gate-keeping and lack of Western media attention) seen any substantial protests compared to those in other Arab republics. One of the reasons was that there was hardly anyone to promote any special well-funded media campaigns and to pay the huge sums required. (This is perhaps with the exception of Bahrain, and the possible influence of Iran). However, there is no guarantee that a counter-hegemonic campaign would still succeed in these Arab monarchies.
 After defeating the rival al-Rashid clan in 1921, the al-Saud family currently rules in most of the historical Arabian Peninsula. Its regional prominence is also due to control of the holy sites of Mekka and Medina and its alliance with, and use of, Wahabism as well as its oil and mineral resources. These resources subsidize its related cultural (media) industry. Nevertheless, religious and economic factors are evidently complex, interwoven and involve a large social network. This combination may be expressed in what I call ‘The Saudi ethic, the spiritual buck’  -  somewhat similar to Weber’s ‘Protestant Ethic thesis’ which stood behind the accumulation of wealth in northernEurope.
Through the accumulation of capital in the Gulf states in the 1970s (controlled by Anglo-American protection through treaties that brought large numbers of Arabs to be either economically dependent (through employment in the Gulf), or spiritually dependent through control of Arab media), the oil boom created a new social stratification in the Arab world. As a result, some Arab societies have been dependent on and accepting of the authority of the ruling Saudi family and its clans. These elites are part of the ruling economic elites who own some of the most valuable energy projects, valuable assets and properties in the West, including Harrods, football teams, property on the Champs Élysées and partnerships with Rupert Murdoch, to mention but a few.
The recent discovery that Arabs want their freedom is chiefly promoted by some Arab and Western media institutions which are themselves an extension of policy makers who have their own economic objectives, strategies and tactics. The media campaigns that are being conducted by neo-conservative capitalist, Zionists such as Bernard-Henri Lévy, who aggressively serves Israel, and who has a strong affinity to fundamentalist Judaism, aim only to separate Arabs from their wealth and resources, whilst, at the same time, deceiving them.
This is done through the dual strategy of manufacturing a separate narrative for two separate segments of the population. To the religious, corruption is associated with faithlessness, while to the entire Arab nation they sell the very appealing dream of freedom, justice, and liberty. Naturally, each individual will interpret this according to his or her own upbringing, socialization, politicization, norms and values. So, whilst all might meet in the ‘square’, the Islamists will believe Islamic scripts to be the solution, liberals will recall Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the ‘separation of powers’ of Montesquieu and the French Revolution, Marxists will think of the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and class struggle and the Maoists will think of the Cultural Revolution of Mao Tse-Tung or Nasserism (after all, when a group of Egyptian army officers conducted a coup and a revolution in 1952, Mao Tse-Tung declared that ‘the struggle against corruption and waste is a major issue which concerns the whole party’ (30 November, 1951) and it therefore fits the bill of fighting corrupt Arab regimes). Meanwhile, those who dream of Castro and Che Guevara will run to the ‘barricades’ in the squares in a stand off against the state security forces.
In fact, all of these values are just non-starters in the Arab world and Zio-Liberals know this. The reality is that, because of social control and the way Arab societies have been socialized in the last century (including the impact of colonial heritage) and because of the wealth Wahabi Islam (and modern Salafis) have enjoyed from oil revenues, except for the Islamic faction, the other ideologies will make little progress but rather will simply ensure the victory of the religious movements.
True, the Arab world has been heterogeneous, though only mildly. Religion has prevailed even in states like Jordan where, for decades, Islamists controlled most school curricula. Thus, in every Arab state that has had unrest, and particularly so in Egypt, there is a fierce power struggle over the constitution. The Muslim Brotherhood and Salafis won the majority of seats in the parliamentary elections, and the first democratically elected president, Muhammad Mursi (elected only by quarter of citizens), is a member of the Muslim Brotherhood. Major powers are working towards promulgating a constitution based on a relevant interpretation of Sharia laws. In his ‘Morphology of the State’, Aristotle suggests that there is a need to ‘consider not only which constitution is best, but also which is practicable and most easily within reach’ (p. 103). In the eyes of the religious fundamentalists, this can be the Sharia laws, whilst a solution for the Western ruling elites is in place.
As they have secured their economic interests through religious-elite controlled   media institutions, they will in turn benefit from their own social, economic and political centres of power, and a new niche of businessmen will emerge from the circles/classes of the religious elites. Religious groups will also increase their economic participation alongside political participation. Since it will benefit their political jihad, some will see this as halal whether inside or outside the framework of Islamic banking. Social division will, however, remain or widen and the only difference is that the names have changed. Instead of a ‘Mubarak’, it will be someone else (but this time, someone with a beard) and these apparent ‘changes’ will simply maintain political control.
The affected populations are those defined as ‘minorities’ – mainly Arab Christians (around 30 million of them in the Arab world), secular (Sunni and Shiite) Muslims and others. In Egypt, Mohammad Zawahiri (the brother of al-Qaeda leader Ayman Zawahiri) has already declared that Egyptian Christians should pay a tax as Dhimmi’s (infidels) or else leave Egypt. And if they refuse, he has suggested they be confronted and coerced.
An example of mobilizing the population through religion in the media has been adopted by the Saudi monarch himself. During Ramadan 2012, Abdallah of Saudi Arabia and his heir launched a fundraising campaign supposedly in aid of the Syrian people – or so the slogan said. This campaign was based on Islamic moral norms and sense of community, especially those emphasized during the holy month of Ramadan. Whilst selling his people messages of community and compassion, these campaigns are used for both local and regional political purposes. A similar campaign launched by Syria for the liberation of Saudi Arabian women, and the need for them to drive, is unimaginable.
Besuited, Goebbels-like liberals who stand alongside those chiefs of sheikhdoms, have so far, attempted to deceive part of Arab public opinion and to manufacture a consensus against the Syrian government, and so diverted from themselves the heat of their own ‘streets’. Whilst they themselves adhere to the most archaic norms and beliefs regarding freedom and democracy, they instigate mass deception against Syria that is, in terms of its social norms, such as women’s freedoms, religious minorities’ rights, equal opportunities and personal liberties, etc., much closer to liberal Western countries. In much the same way as the Arab regimes would like to rally domestic public opinion in support of Palestinians, Gulf regimes are using the false argument that they are against the oppression of Syrians by their own government to rally their ‘streets’ against Syria. And this despite the fact that they themselves are light years behind Syria in terms of freedom and democracy.
Western governments are no friends of liberal democracy in the Third World. They inevitably deal with those governments with the worst records of human rights and then only when it is of financial benefit to them. Just as in July 2008, when Nicolas Sarkozy and current archenemy of Syria, the Emir of Qatar, formed, with the Syrian leadership, the ‘Union of the Mediterranean’, some European governments think they also might benefit financially from the crisis in the Arab world. This is particularly so when they have the support of rich Gulf States and believe they can somehow reduce the economic crises they are facing.
In some parts of Syria personal security has diminished since March 2011 and central government has not been always notable for its moral conduct. However, as part of a strategic political campaign, the media are intentionally lying about the situation in Syria. They instill fear in the Syrian public and affect exaggerated concern for casualties and loss of life. Thus, they construct a narrative, which facilitates and justifies increased assistance to the armed groups, separatists, terrorists, and mercenaries. The same media also portray the Syrian government as solely responsible for the violence, when in fact, those who recruit, pay and supply weapons to easily malleable, unemployed and cash-hungry individuals are themselves really responsible.
There are two main culprits for the increase in casualties: lying and the silencing of any opposing voice. With their Arab allies, NATO switched off the signal for the satellite connection of the Syrian al-Dunia satellite channel. Other acts of satellite ‘terror’ arguably included the CIA’s hijacking of al-Dunia’s Twitter account, so as to disseminate disinformation about the Syrian army’s false retreat. The same Arab satellite that Syria helped found after the loss of the second part of Palestine in  1967, is now being used against it by those formerArab Gulf sheikhdoms.
This satellite is now being used in the conflict in Syria – but against Syria – and includes disinformation chiefly by Gulf-owned channels that promote fear and panic about economic instability in Syria. The media are being used and manipulated as a cover for the incitement of terrorist action by the Syrian opposition and also to garner economic aid, and this same media then present the sanitized, ‘heroic’ achievements of the ‘rebels’ and, when necessary, depict any losses they encounter as ‘massacres’.
By and large, Western and mainstream Arab media are left with nearly only one option: to swallow disinformation from unreliable ‘spin’ bodies, which they then pump out to the public. Stories of massacres by the Syrian government are, for propaganda purposes, broadcast to justify foreign intervention, and the prevailing image is that of the noble West coming to save an incapable, oppressed Third World nation from the tyranny of a chauvinist male oppressor. This is exactly what happened in Libya. Nonetheless, a minority of Arab media is opposing the master plan and another minority are sitting on the fence. The Arab media are mostly, either directly or indirectly, in the hands of Gulf States, while any other journalists either operate discreetly on the payroll of those forces or are totally deluded and find it impossible to grasp the tragic ramifications of what is taking place in the Arab world. The anti-war values of Bertolt Brecht’s Mother Courage are most probably not high on the agenda in some oil rich states, since they might expose the dichotomy between religion and war economy even further.

© MKM

Dismembering the Arab World - Dr Makram KhouryMachool

The behaviour of the NATO-aligned, anti-Syrian bloc is now blatant enough for us to better understand what is happening in Syria. On the one hand, we find political operators such the ad-hoc group ‘Friends of Syria’, and on the other, two Arab personalities, both ministers of two Gulf sheikhdoms.
The first group includes NATO-led heads of states, with a barely disguised Israeli master-plan conceived by the likes of Bernard-Henri Lévy. Rather than being the friends of Syria, these personalities are arguably working to secure their own financial interests in, around, and via Syria. The two Arab politicians are the two foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia and Qatar. They have declared that those forces acting violently against the Syrian state should be armed and financially supported. In short, these conventions of the so-called ‘Friends of Syria’ are probably no more than a ‘modern’ version of those meetings conducted by Viceroy Lord Curzon, who, in 1903, addressed the ‘Chiefs of the Arab Coast’ on HMS Argonaut in Sharjah (UAE).
The Qataris and Saudis give financial support to the ‘rebels’ for weapons, payments to fighters and mercenaries, and logistical oversight of attacks on Syria. All of this is in addition to their support with telecommunication services, combat tactics, and strategic military advice. Unsurprisingly, the Western military advisors, who operate for the armed groups behind the scenes, do not feature in any media outlets. Neighbouring states also provide geographical assistance to the armed groups, with Jordan providing a passage for mercenaries from Libya, and Turkey acting as the northern military base for operations.
Turkey is involved because of its wish to align itself with the Saudi-Sunni, NATO-backed line and also its fear that a dismembered Syria would lead to the promotion of Kurdish autonomy. In their eyes, this could bring about the eventual union of the Kurds with Iraqi and Syrian Kurds and then lead to civil war with Turkey and the eventual separation of Kurdistan from Turkey and the creation of a Kurdish state.
For its part, Israel has for decades planned, as part of its strategy to dominate the Middle East and the Mediterranean, to weaken Syria in order to continue its occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights and to dominate water sources. Essentially, Israel wants to be the main economic and military power in the region and indeed, Israel may well emerge from the weakening of Syria as the main winner, if only in the short-term.
Through its orchestrated media campaigns transmitted over the decades to its own public, Israel has constructed a concept of Syria as the major threat to its existence in the Arab world. Arguably, the governmental vacuum that might be created in Syria could be filled by al-Qaeda-like groups giving sufficient justification for Israel’s actions (against Syria and/or Iran) and would also promote the idea of a conflict between ‘civilized-democratic’ Israel and ‘savage’ Islamists.
Despite huge differences between Syria and Libya, Syria’s fate could be similar to that of Libya in terms of direct foreign intervention, were not Russia and China firmly opposed such actions at the UN, where there has been consistent cooperation between the two. Although the origins of Sino-Soviet relations go back to the early days of the 1917 Communist Revolution, it seems that, even two decades after the dismantlement of the Eastern Bloc, the Russian Federation and the Republic of China are, more than ever, following what Mao Tse-tung advised in his ‘Be a True Revolutionary’ address on 23 June 1950. Here, Tse-tung said that ‘in the international sphere we must firmly unite with the Soviet Union’ (see Selected Works of Mao Tsetung, vol. V. p. 39). Shared ideology, world vision, economic interests, and objectives in the field of energy have brought Russia and China ever closer together over the Syrian conflict.
World oil production is headed by Saudi Arabia, with Russia second, the USA third, Iran fourth and China fifth. In terms of oil reserves, we find that the top ten states are: 1) Venezuela, 2) Saudi Arabia, 3) Canada, 4) Iran, 5) Iraq, 6) Kuwait, 7) UAE, 8) Russia, 9) Kazakhstan and 10) Libya. Russia is the largest gas producer in the world, with Europe dependent on its gas sourcing. In world gas production, if, because of their geographical distance, we exclude the USA and Canada, Iran comes second and Qatar third. In terms of gas reserves, Russia is number one, with Iran and Qatar in fourth place and Saudi Arabia in sixth. With neighbouring Saudi Arabia as one of the ten leading producers of gas in the world, it is clear why the export interests of Qatar and Saudi Arabia are particularly important and this ranking should give us a clear idea of the alliances that have formed in light of the Syrian conflict.
Saudi Arabia and Qatar (which in different circumstances could have been one state and might yet experience a geographical reshuffle) are both Arab-Muslim-Sunni and both have economic interests. Qatar’s greedy pursuit of marketing contracts for Libyan gas and oil supplies explains its agreement with NATO to attack Libya, its symbolic participation in the air strikes and its support for the rebels to establish a media capability.
Qatar’s aim is to export its gas toEurope, compete with the Russians and gain important political bargaining chips. In order for the export of Qatari gas to Europe to be feasible and competitive, a gas pipe must be laid through Syria. As Russia’s long-standing ally and with the precedents of numerous joint deals dating back to the USSR era, Syria is unlikely to allow anything to threaten the destabilization of Russia’s interests in their last strategic stronghold in the Arab world. This is the main reason why Qatar and Saudi Arabia are supporting the opposition’s struggle to topple the Syrian government.
Syria is fast becoming a Pandora’s box from which all the historical crises of the last 120 years are re-emerging. These begin with the Russo-Turkish war in 1877-8, the Russo-Japanese war in 1904, WWI and WWII and the Cold War. Normally, it takes a superpower 2-3 decades to emerge. It took the USA nearly 25 years to emerge as a superpower from 1890 to the end of WWI. After the death of Lenin in 1924, the USSR was the sick man of Europe. In 1945, after WWII and under Stalin, it emerged as a superpower. After Gorbachev, Russia ceased to be a superpower and seemingly, the Cold War ended. In just over two decades, Putin has ended the unipolar system and a new bipolar world is emerging – as if the Cold War had never ended.
Close examination of the Syrian political system reveals that Syrian president Bashar al-Assad is, indeed, a reformist. However, in Syria, as in any other state, factions are intertwined in power-struggles and these and the necessary processes of socialization will take some time to work through. Whilst, as Assad said, it takes just a couple of minutes to sign a new law, it takes much longer to educate people to absorb and participate in the implementation of the new values those laws enshrine. Western ruling elites’ portrayal of these new norms as seemingly growing on trees is an act of disutility and definitely immoral.
Syria was the last secular, socially-cohesive Arab state based on a top-down secular ideology. Despite its volatile, geopolitical surroundings (Lebanon, Turkey, Israel, Jordan and Iraq), Syrian citizens lived securely under this Arab secularism. Syria encompasses a particular type of pluralism and multiculturalism, embedded with religious tolerance and a pluralist existence. This is demonstrated by the toleration of a church, a mosque, a bar and the equal coexistence of both secular and veiled women. In fact, the reform process begun in Syria is more advanced than any similar process in any other Arab state. It includes the removal of emergency laws, the implementation of party laws, election laws, a key media law, and the approval of a new constitution including the removal of the article on the sole leadership of the al-Ba’ath party. Such reforms are part of a genuine political process that will take time. However, this reform process has been totally and intentionally undermined by forces, including Western governments acting against the Syrian state. In the last decades, and particularly since 9/11, the West has continually propagated the notion that Islamist terrorists have been threatening the secular way of life. However, Sunnis, technically the religious majority in Syria, contain large segments, and are no less secular than any other Western society.
So, despite Syrians’ clear right to defend the secularity of their way of life, the aim of the West is to dismantle the Syrian state, alter the power structure, and create new demo-geographic entities such as a confederation of the Syrian and Iraqi Kurds, which at present, is Turkey’s nightmare. Specific areas might also be depopulated, which might then be used, as has been done with the Druze, to repopulate with Syrian Christians and perhaps with Christians from Lebanon. Other Christians would leave the Levant altogether. The Alawites would then have another state, linked perhaps, with Iran.
The plan is to destroy the modern Arab state of Syria that emerged after WWI and in the 1940s, and, where possible, to establish new religious states (similar to the Jewish state of Israel). In this way, Arab power and along with it, the Pan-Arab ideology of Michel Aflaq and Antun Sa’ade (both Arab Christians) and Nasser of Egypt, would disappear. This process began when, in 1978-9 under Sadat, Egypt signed its peace treaty with Israel, and was followed by the destruction of Lebanon in 1982, the second Intifada in 1987, and the economic takeover of Iraq in 2003. It was then followed in Libya with the seizing of oil and gas in 2011. Therefore, in order to keep the US-Rael (US-Israel) hegemony, the West needs to align states along sectarian lines (Sunni-Shiite) rather than on Pan-Arabism. Indeed, this process was boosted after the occupation of Iraq and the toppling of the Ba’ath party.
In practice, what is now happening in the Arab world is a ‘correction’ of the 1916 Sykes-Picot agreement, when the main colonial powers, Britain and France, carved out the boundaries of the current Arab states and installed their own Arab agents. These ongoing, neo-colonial plans include provision for any two or more Arab parties to fight the Syrian regime and to keep them fighting until such time as each state is dismembered and fractured into 2-3 states, based on sectarian lines. Then colonial elites can continue to scoop up the wealth because, after all, the imperial mentality has hardly changed.
Since Western powers cannot achieve this on their own, they need agents such as Qatar in Libya and Saudi Arabia, Qatar and others in Syria. These agents, preferably self-serving, undemocratic Arab-Muslim-Sunni monarchies, will use Sunni-Islam to promote fanaticism against other Arabs, Muslims and non-Muslims (e.g., Arab Christians, Shiites and Druze). Those Arabs with access to the (economic) global elite (for example, the Royal Saudi family and the Qataris with the Americans and other European elites) are, by and large, the ruling elites in the Arab Gulf or their protégés. It is they who are driving a wedge between the various sects and magnifying and exploiting the playing of the Sunni card with non-Arab Muslim Sunni Turkey against Syria. It would hardly be a surprise either if they were in cahoots with Israel-serving Western powers. Otherwise, it would remain fairly difficult to explain why the most authoritarian regime on earth, Saudi Arabia, is acting against Syria and trying to teach it lessons in democracy, something that Saudi Arabia is not very keen to know much about.
The negative, orientalist, propaganda campaigns conducted against Syria in the past year with the financial backing of some Gulf countries have intentionally obscured elements within Syria, such as Syria’s secularism – something with which Western societies would naturally identify. So, the importance of Syria’s largely secular Ba’ath Party ideology, which guaranteed at least private liberties, has been kept hidden. This is for example in addition to the fact that Daoud Rajhah, the assassinated Syrian Minister of Defence, was a Christian, as was Dr Nabil Zughaib, the recently assassinated (along with his family) head of the Syrian missile programme.
The above examples of a deliberate elimination of facts are arguably due to Syria’s alliance with Russia, which is the ‘wrong’ camp. This close relationship between Syria and Russia has lasted for over five decades. Furthermore, Syria is the soft (Alawaite/Shiite-secular) underbelly between NATO refusnik (Shiite) Iran and Shiite HizboAllah in Lebanon. Whilst in Israel’s short-term eyes, the main opposition to its domination is Iran (as well as HizboAllah, Syria, and formerly, Hamas), Syria is now, therefore, the target. As such, Syria is now taking the punishment, so that the whole metaphorical body will eventually be dismembered.
But what is the relevance of Hamas here? Until it democratically won the elections in 2006 (nearly two years after the assassination of Yasser Arafat), and then a year later staged a coup against the Fatah-controlled Palestinian Authority in the Gaza Strip, Hamas was a resistance movement supported by Iran, Damascus, and HizboAllah. If Iran is the metaphorical ‘head’ and HizboAllah and Hamas the two legs, Syria has been the ‘belly’ or the ‘heart’ and ‘lungs’ of this ‘body’ of resistance. But since Hamas has run the Gaza Strip, it has largely ceased to be a resistance movement and has become institutionalized. Here, Israel (and Sharon in particular) won a tactical victory. At hardly any cost, Israel withdrew from the Gaza Strip, while keeping it under siege, attacking it at will and giving the keys to the prisoners (Hamas) to run for them the largest open-air prison on earth. And all this was done without Hamas even realizing what was going on. Perhaps someone thought that the name could be beautified and, instead of prison, it might turn into an EmiRison (Emirate and prison).
In the first half of 2012, Hamas’ leaders left Damascus, where their headquarters were, and are now keeping publicly quiet and refraining from supporting the Syrian government – a government, which has supported them for more than two decades. With the victory of the Muslim Brotherhood in Tunisia and Egypt, and their rise in Libya, Hamas now seems to have new and powerful patrons, and in countries where it can operate from a much more powerful position. Hamas’ leadership (both in the Diaspora and in the Gaza Strip) has been invited by the newly elected Egyptian president, to join, the Muslim Brotherhood (their mother organization) as equals. What seemed until yesterday to be a resistance movement (though some may argue that they were never revolutionary, unlike other leftist Palestinian factions, such as the PFLP, DFLP, etc.), is now woven into the embroidery of a Sunni-Muslim alliance which has started to act under the wing of NATO.
Western orientalists like to imagine what needs to happen for their interests in the Orient to be served. They begin by labeling the Arab world the ‘Middle East’, as if it were just a geographical marker placed only in relation to where they themselves are. In order to secure their planned thievery, they invent terms to obfuscate and justify their covert or overt military actions. However, their security/intelligence services always fail to predict developments in the Arab world such as the Intifada of 1987 and the Hamas coup in 2007. Still, their superficial and ignorant power-elites never cease to manufacture new names and processes, the latest of which is the naming of whatever started in Tunisia as the ‘Arab Spring’.
What is happening in some Arab states and in the Arab world is no ‘Spring’: it is a reactionary process which will bounce back, as the USA experienced in Afghanistan, where the US both created and supported the same jihadists they later fought against. So, the US-Israel has been trying to cut deals with the Islamists in power so that they may control the masses. Indeed, this is not the first time that political strategists have tried to use religion to avoid chaos and defend their economic interests. This is similar to what Machiavelli described (based on the account of the Roman historian Titus Livius (Livy) Patavinus (59 BC-17 AD), who wrote Books from the Foundation of the City) and referred to in Discourses on Livy, when he sub-headed a chapter as: ‘How the Romans made religion serve to reorder the city and carry out their enterprise to stop tumults’.
So, Western propaganda campaigns against Syria seek to convince the public (the ‘plebs’) to fear religion rather than obey their current Arab leaders. This is why, despite the censored protests in the three Arab kingdoms (KSA, Morocco and Jordan), the world has hardly (because of censorship, gate-keeping and lack of Western media attention) seen any substantial protests compared to those in other Arab republics. One of the reasons was that there was hardly anyone to promote any special well-funded media campaigns and to pay the huge sums required. (This is perhaps with the exception of Bahrain, and the possible influence of Iran). However, there is no guarantee that a counter-hegemonic campaign would still succeed in these Arab monarchies.
 After defeating the rival al-Rashid clan in 1921, the al-Saud family currently rules in most of the historical Arabian Peninsula. Its regional prominence is also due to control of the holy sites of Mekka and Medina and its alliance with, and use of, Wahabism as well as its oil and mineral resources. These resources subsidize its related cultural (media) industry. Nevertheless, religious and economic factors are evidently complex, interwoven and involve a large social network. This combination may be expressed in what I call ‘The Saudi ethic, the spiritual buck’  -  somewhat similar to Weber’s ‘Protestant Ethic thesis’ which stood behind the accumulation of wealth in northernEurope.
Through the accumulation of capital in the Gulf states in the 1970s (controlled by Anglo-American protection through treaties that brought large numbers of Arabs to be either economically dependent (through employment in the Gulf), or spiritually dependent through control of Arab media), the oil boom created a new social stratification in the Arab world. As a result, some Arab societies have been dependent on and accepting of the authority of the ruling Saudi family and its clans. These elites are part of the ruling economic elites who own some of the most valuable energy projects, valuable assets and properties in the West, including Harrods, football teams, property on the Champs Élysées and partnerships with Rupert Murdoch, to mention but a few.
The recent discovery that Arabs want their freedom is chiefly promoted by some Arab and Western media institutions which are themselves an extension of policy makers who have their own economic objectives, strategies and tactics. The media campaigns that are being conducted by neo-conservative capitalist, Zionists such as Bernard-Henri Lévy, who aggressively serves Israel, and who has a strong affinity to fundamentalist Judaism, aim only to separate Arabs from their wealth and resources, whilst, at the same time, deceiving them.
This is done through the dual strategy of manufacturing a separate narrative for two separate segments of the population. To the religious, corruption is associated with faithlessness, while to the entire Arab nation they sell the very appealing dream of freedom, justice, and liberty. Naturally, each individual will interpret this according to his or her own upbringing, socialization, politicization, norms and values. So, whilst all might meet in the ‘square’, the Islamists will believe Islamic scripts to be the solution, liberals will recall Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the ‘separation of powers’ of Montesquieu and the French Revolution, Marxists will think of the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and class struggle and the Maoists will think of the Cultural Revolution of Mao Tse-Tung or Nasserism (after all, when a group of Egyptian army officers conducted a coup and a revolution in 1952, Mao Tse-Tung declared that ‘the struggle against corruption and waste is a major issue which concerns the whole party’ (30 November, 1951) and it therefore fits the bill of fighting corrupt Arab regimes). Meanwhile, those who dream of Castro and Che Guevara will run to the ‘barricades’ in the squares in a stand off against the state security forces.
In fact, all of these values are just non-starters in the Arab world and Zio-Liberals know this. The reality is that, because of social control and the way Arab societies have been socialized in the last century (including the impact of colonial heritage) and because of the wealth Wahabi Islam (and modern Salafis) have enjoyed from oil revenues, except for the Islamic faction, the other ideologies will make little progress but rather will simply ensure the victory of the religious movements.
True, the Arab world has been heterogeneous, though only mildly. Religion has prevailed even in states like Jordan where, for decades, Islamists controlled most school curricula. Thus, in every Arab state that has had unrest, and particularly so in Egypt, there is a fierce power struggle over the constitution. The Muslim Brotherhood and Salafis won the majority of seats in the parliamentary elections, and the first democratically elected president, Muhammad Mursi (elected only by quarter of citizens), is a member of the Muslim Brotherhood. Major powers are working towards promulgating a constitution based on a relevant interpretation of Sharia laws. In his ‘Morphology of the State’, Aristotle suggests that there is a need to ‘consider not only which constitution is best, but also which is practicable and most easily within reach’ (p. 103). In the eyes of the religious fundamentalists, this can be the Sharia laws, whilst a solution for the Western ruling elites is in place.
As they have secured their economic interests through religious-elite controlled   media institutions, they will in turn benefit from their own social, economic and political centres of power, and a new niche of businessmen will emerge from the circles/classes of the religious elites. Religious groups will also increase their economic participation alongside political participation. Since it will benefit their political jihad, some will see this as halal whether inside or outside the framework of Islamic banking. Social division will, however, remain or widen and the only difference is that the names have changed. Instead of a ‘Mubarak’, it will be someone else (but this time, someone with a beard) and these apparent ‘changes’ will simply maintain political control.
The affected populations are those defined as ‘minorities’ – mainly Arab Christians (around 30 million of them in the Arab world), secular (Sunni and Shiite) Muslims and others. In Egypt, Mohammad Zawahiri (the brother of al-Qaeda leader Ayman Zawahiri) has already declared that Egyptian Christians should pay a tax as Dhimmi’s (infidels) or else leave Egypt. And if they refuse, he has suggested they be confronted and coerced.
An example of mobilizing the population through religion in the media has been adopted by the Saudi monarch himself. During Ramadan 2012, Abdallah of Saudi Arabia and his heir launched a fundraising campaign supposedly in aid of the Syrian people – or so the slogan said. This campaign was based on Islamic moral norms and sense of community, especially those emphasized during the holy month of Ramadan. Whilst selling his people messages of community and compassion, these campaigns are used for both local and regional political purposes. A similar campaign launched by Syria for the liberation of Saudi Arabian women, and the need for them to drive, is unimaginable.
Besuited, Goebbels-like liberals who stand alongside those chiefs of sheikhdoms, have so far, attempted to deceive part of Arab public opinion and to manufacture a consensus against the Syrian government, and so diverted from themselves the heat of their own ‘streets’. Whilst they themselves adhere to the most archaic norms and beliefs regarding freedom and democracy, they instigate mass deception against Syria that is, in terms of its social norms, such as women’s freedoms, religious minorities’ rights, equal opportunities and personal liberties, etc., much closer to liberal Western countries. In much the same way as the Arab regimes would like to rally domestic public opinion in support of Palestinians, Gulf regimes are using the false argument that they are against the oppression of Syrians by their own government to rally their ‘streets’ against Syria. And this despite the fact that they themselves are light years behind Syria in terms of freedom and democracy.
Western governments are no friends of liberal democracy in the Third World. They inevitably deal with those governments with the worst records of human rights and then only when it is of financial benefit to them. Just as in July 2008, when Nicolas Sarkozy and current archenemy of Syria, the Emir of Qatar, formed, with the Syrian leadership, the ‘Union of the Mediterranean’, some European governments think they also might benefit financially from the crisis in the Arab world. This is particularly so when they have the support of rich Gulf States and believe they can somehow reduce the economic crises they are facing.
In some parts of Syria personal security has diminished since March 2011 and central government has not been always notable for its moral conduct. However, as part of a strategic political campaign, the media are intentionally lying about the situation in Syria. They instill fear in the Syrian public and affect exaggerated concern for casualties and loss of life. Thus, they construct a narrative, which facilitates and justifies increased assistance to the armed groups, separatists, terrorists, and mercenaries. The same media also portray the Syrian government as solely responsible for the violence, when in fact, those who recruit, pay and supply weapons to easily malleable, unemployed and cash-hungry individuals are themselves really responsible.
There are two main culprits for the increase in casualties: lying and the silencing of any opposing voice. With their Arab allies, NATO switched off the signal for the satellite connection of the Syrian al-Dunia satellite channel. Other acts of satellite ‘terror’ arguably included the CIA’s hijacking of al-Dunia’s Twitter account, so as to disseminate disinformation about the Syrian army’s false retreat. The same Arab satellite that Syria helped found after the loss of the second part of Palestine in  1967, is now being used against it by those formerArab Gulf sheikhdoms.
This satellite is now being used in the conflict in Syria – but against Syria – and includes disinformation chiefly by Gulf-owned channels that promote fear and panic about economic instability in Syria. The media are being used and manipulated as a cover for the incitement of terrorist action by the Syrian opposition and also to garner economic aid, and this same media then present the sanitized, ‘heroic’ achievements of the ‘rebels’ and, when necessary, depict any losses they encounter as ‘massacres’.
By and large, Western and mainstream Arab media are left with nearly only one option: to swallow disinformation from unreliable ‘spin’ bodies, which they then pump out to the public. Stories of massacres by the Syrian government are, for propaganda purposes, broadcast to justify foreign intervention, and the prevailing image is that of the noble West coming to save an incapable, oppressed Third World nation from the tyranny of a chauvinist male oppressor. This is exactly what happened in Libya. Nonetheless, a minority of Arab media is opposing the master plan and another minority are sitting on the fence. The Arab media are mostly, either directly or indirectly, in the hands of Gulf States, while any other journalists either operate discreetly on the payroll of those forces or are totally deluded and find it impossible to grasp the tragic ramifications of what is taking place in the Arab world. The anti-war values of Bertolt Brecht’s Mother Courage are most probably not high on the agenda in some oil rich states, since they might expose the dichotomy between religion and war economy even further.

© MKM

السبت، ١٠ آذار ٢٠١٢

نموذج الردة - ربى عطية


نموذج الردة
١٠ آذار ٢٠١٢

ابراهيم باشا الوزير الأول للسلطان سليمان القانوني، يخرج على المشاهدين من على شاشة دبي ليلقي خطبة عصماء عن أخلاقيات الجيش الإنكشاري الذي لا يكذب ولا يسرق ولا يطيل اللسان، إنما يتململ كلما توقفت "الفتوحات".
طبعا، يتلازم هذا "التململ" مع مشهد توزع فيه الأعطيات من مال الدولة العلية على الانكشاريين.
هذه مشاهد في مسلسل تركي، إسمه يدل على قبح النظام الإجتماعي الذي يحاولون إعادة تلميعه: "حريم السلطان". يدور المسلسل في كواليس الحريم المقتلعات من بلادهن المستعبدات في الحروب والمباعات في أسواق النخاسة، ليصبحن حريم القصر ومدبرات مكائده، هن والخصيان المساكين الذين لا يأتمنهم السلطان قبل أن يخصيهم!
لا يأتمنهم حتى على نساء لم ينظر مرة إلى وجوههن ممن رمين في الحريم ولم يكن لهن حظ الإرسال إلي خلوة السلطان، دون أن ننسى أن أولئك الحريم يجبرن على الإسلام وتغير أسماؤهن كي يحل للسلطان “الاختلاء” بهن.

كل هذا يدور في قصور جميلة وثياب مزركشة وبين أرائك ملونة رخيمة، تغازل جميعها المزاج الاستهلاكي النفطي، كما تدور الأحداث على وقع قصائد حب يكتبها سليمان لحبيبته الجارية روكسلانا، بينما تمر أوامر تقطيع الرؤوس في المسلسل مرور الكرام و كأنها حكمة علوية للسلطان سليمان..
هكذا، يعاد تلميع الدولة العثمانية للمشاهدين الحالمين بالربيع العربي..
هكذا تدخل ربة المنزل غير المهتمة بنشرة الأخبار تحت عباءة الإسلام السياسي بنسخته التركية - الإخوانية.

طبعا تختار لتلك الغاية شخصية مثل سليمان القانوني الذي أجرى إصلاحات مهمة على القانون العثماني، بقدر ما سمحت له الشريعة الملزمة للقانون. فقد سمح قانونه الجديد بتحسين الوضع الضريبي للمزارعين المسيحيين المقتطعين مع أرضهم لأصحاب الرتب في الجيش والدولة العثمانية، كما قلل من الحالات التي يعاقب فيها بالإعدام وقطع اليد، وخفض الضرائب على الاستيراد والتصدير، وحمى اليهود ومنع القدح والذم بحقهم بما يخص “عجين الدم”.
ويزيد في تلميع صورة الخلافة العثمانية للمشاهد المعاصر أن بطل المسلسل سليمان حرر جاريته التي أحبها وتزوجها جاعلا إياها زوجة مقربة وحيدة بعد أن أبعد زوجته الأولى مبكرا، ليبقي روكسلانا (خرم سلطان) إلى جانبه حتى مماته كاسرا تقاليد القصر العثماني ومقدما نموذجا مدحه المؤرخون الأوروربيون. لكن كل هذا طبعا جرى بأمر وهوى السلطان، لا بحقها الإنساني، وهي في المسلسل كما في التاريخ منتقدة كونها راكمت قوة تفوق "حقها" كامرأة.
كما أن السلطان المصلح طبعا لم يخرج عن نظام الملل ولا عن نظام الحريم ولا عن "محاربة الكفار" وفتح ديارهم ولا عن قطع رأس من يشك في أمره حتى ابنه البكر.

تفكير لا يخرج طبعا عن أي ذهنية امبراطورية توسعية، ولا يضير سليمان الذي ورث نظاما وحاول إصلاحه.
وإذا كان اتخاذ الدين أو الأيديولوجيا حجة للتوسع مدانا، فهو أيضا حال كل الإمبراطوريات التي تتوسع مرة باسم الشيوعية ومرة باسم الديمقراطية.. إلخ.
لكن المستهجن هو حال بعض الشعوب التي كانت محتلة ومنتهكة وتعود اليوم لتمارس حنينا إلى تلك الأيام، وهو ما لا يفهم إلا في إطار الردة الدينية والمذهبية تحديدا. فسليمان هذا، هو الذي حارب الصفويين وأخرجهم من العراق والخليج، جاعلا الخليج العربي والبحر المتوسط بحيرتين عثمانيتين. ولا فضل عند المشاهد المتمذهب لاحتلال تركي على فارسي إلا بالمذهب.

عامل آخر يجعل من النظام "الحريمي" المعروض في المسلسل مقبولا في بعض المجتمعات العربية أكثر من بعضها، هو عدم ابتعاد هذه المجتمعات عن نظام الحريم كثيرا خصوصا لدى أولي الأمر. بل وإننا بتنا نسمع بالتزامن مع موجة الربيع المجهض دعوات إلى ردة اجتماعية من بلاد عريقة في المساواة الاجتماعية، آخرها دعوة "حزب الانفتاح والوفاء" التونسي لإعادة نظام الجواري قانونا إلى تونس.

مسلسل إسمه "حريم السلطان" تعلن دعايته على لسان سليمان القانوني أنه سيجعل البحر المتوسط بحيرة عثمانية.. ولا يشتم أحد رائحة تبعية بالسياسة، ولا عبودية بالمجتمع.. 

ربى عطية

الخميس، ٢٣ شباط ٢٠١٢

حزن اشتون على مصر- د. حياة الحويك عطية

د. حياة الحويك عطية
23-2-2012
حزينة!! مسكينة السيدة اشتون, وربما كان على المصريين ان يقدموا لها مناديل من الدانتيلا لتجفيف دموعها. اي استخفاف بعقول الناس ? واي ناس يبرهنون كل يوم على ما يقوله عنا الغرب من اننا شعوب عاطفية, لا عقلانية, ولذلك فان اللعب على العواطف والمكبوتات والتمنيات هو اسهل طريق يسلكها الغرب الذي بنى نهضته على العقلانية النقدية البعيدة عن العواطف, خاصة في الامور العامة.

المفوضة العليا للاتحاد الأوروبي كاثرين اشتون المعروفة بمواقفها المعادية للتيارات القومية العربية, تذكرت فجاة جمال عبد الناصر, ووجدت فيه مدخلا ولا افضل لاجتذاب القطاع الاكبر من المصريين والعرب عموما, ولم تخش السيدة ان يتذكر العرب ( الذين يحنون لايام ناصر ) ان من شن الحرب على مصر الناصرية عام 1956 لم يكن الولايات المتحدة, بل فرنسا وبريطانيا. فجأة وجدنا "أوروبا كلها تحترم عبد الناصر لأنه كان خصما شريفا تولى رئاسة مصر فى أحلك ساعات التاريخ المصري ولو عاش عبدالناصر لكانت مصر دولة عظمى أكبر من روسيا فى الشرق الأوسط " . على حد قول السيدة اشتون.

غير ان الغرائبية لا تكمن في تقدير عبد الناصر بقدر ما كانت في الانتقادات الموجهة الى نظام حسني مبارك الذي طالما اعتبره الغرب الاوروبي والاميركي الحليف الاول في المنطقة العربية ولا ننسى ان ساركوزي اختاره لمشاركته رئاسة الاتحاد المتوسطي, كما لا ننسى الاستقبال النابوليوني الذي كان يلقاه كلما زار اوروبا. بل ان مركز اليونسكو في باريس كان ينصح كل من اراد منحة بحثية عن العالم العربي بالدخول عبر بوابتين احداهما السيدة سوزان مبارك, لانها تمول برنامجا بحثيا ومنحا.

كيف تحول الحليف الى مدان يجعل السيدة اشتون تقول "أنا حزينة على مصر وشعبكم فلقد تعرضتم في مصر لما هو يفوق الخيال في الاحتيال والسرقات وتجريف الثروات المادية والطبيعية والافتراضية لو صح التعبير حتى أن -الفايكنج- وهم أشرس الغزاة الذين شهدهم التاريخ البشرى في أوروبا ما كانوا سيتمكنون من سرقة مواردكم مثلما فعل بكم نظام مبارك"

لانه وببساطة لم يعد نظاما حاكما, ولان الرئيس الكبير ( كما كان يلقبه الاوروبيون ) اصبح يدخل قاعة المحكمة على سرير وولداه بملابس السجن البيضاء. ولان مجلس الشعب المصري اصبح يتشكل من غالبية اسلامية تليها قوى قومية وليبرالية. وبما ان الاسلاميين في تحالف مع الولايات المتحدة, فان على اوروبا ان تجتذب القوى الاخرى, وهل افضل من ذكرى عبد الناصر وترا يعزف عليه لتحقيق ذلك? لذلك حرصت السيدة على ترداد اسمه مرات خلال تصريحها وذاك ما لا تحتاجه الصياغة.

صحيح ان لدى مصر " ثروات تكفي لمساعدة ربع الدول الأوروبية إذا استغلت تلك الثروات بشكل جيد"- كما قالت اشتون - ولكن الثروة الكبرى التي اجتذبت اوروبا منذ غزوة نابوليون حتى غزوة ال,56 هي ثروة الموقع والديموغرافيا والجغرافيا, التي تجعل من مصر, الدولة العربية الاولى والدولة الافريقية الاولى, وسيدة وادي النيل, مما يفسر حرص اوروبا على الحصول على موطىء قدم فيها ايا يكن الثمن. وهذا ما يفسر الجواب علي السؤال : اذا كانت " لدى الاتحاد الاوروبي معلومات وارقام مؤكدة كما تقول اشتون. تقول بان ما تمت سرقته وإهداره من أموال وأرصدة وثروات مصر الطبيعية خلال الـ 15 عاما الماضية من نظام مبارك, يبلغ 5 تريليون دولار أمريكي" فلماذا كانت اوروبا تحالفه وتغدق له الثناء والدعم ? واذا كان ذلك المبلغ " يكفى تحويل مصر إلى دولة أوروبية متقدمة", كما تقول اشتون ايضا, فهل هذا ما يريده الغرب? وهل كان العدوان الثلاثي ودعم حرب الـ 67 ودعم كامب ديفيد والانفتاح الاقتصادي, الا سلسلة من المعارك في حرب منع مصر من ان تصبح دولة متقدمة ? وبالتالي ما هي " الخطوات الفعالة...ذات الطابع التنفيذي " التي قالت ان اروربا تريدها من مجلس الشعب الجديد ? وهل لاجل تلك الخطوات اطلقت المفوضة الاغراء بفتح باب اوروبا امام الشباب المصري والواردات المصرية ? واي اغراء هذا اللهم الا الاستنزاف الشبابي والسوق التجاري بين قوتين غير متكافئتين في الانتاج.

أما المفارقة الكبرى فهي ان الجملة التي اشترطت الديمقراطية ربطتها بالقول كما كانت مصر امام عبد الناصر. فمتى اعتبر العالم, وتحديدا اوروبا عبد الناصر ديمقراطيا ?

اي استخفاف بالعقول! اي لعب على العواطف! واي تقاسم بين القوى الغربية لقوانا الشعبية! .

الثلاثاء، ٢١ شباط ٢٠١٢

سورية المشهد.. الواقع ومرتفعات الاخلاق - د.مكرم خوري مخول

 20- 1- 2012
عن القدس اللندنية
غير عادته وقبل القاء التحية سألني طالب دكتوراة اوروبي قبل بضعة ايام وبارتباك شديد بدا على اسارير وجنتيه :'ما الذي يحصل في سورية'؟ فسألته: اية وسائل اعلام تقرأ وتشاهد؟ قال متسائلا :'لا اعرف تصديق من فيهم'. فذكرته ان قبل خمسة شهور من اندلاع الحرب العالمية الثانية وفي خطاب له يوم 19 نيسان 1939 تطرق وزير الخارجية البريطاني (1938-1940) اللورد ادوارد وود-هاليفاكس (1881ـ 1959) وهو من اهم السياسيين الذين عرفهم حزب المحافظين البريطاني في النصف الاول من القرن العشرين، الى موضوع الدعايةالبروباغندا ودورها في قرع طبول الحرب بهدف الترويج لبعض الادعاءات او الاكاذيب التي من شأنها التغطية عن الاسباب الحقيقية التي تقف وراء الحروب والنزاعات قاصدا المانيا بقيادة ادولف هتلر ووزير اعلامه د. جوزيف غوبلز، حيث قال:
'ان اختراع نظريات جديدة لتبرير سياسات التوسع وطرح ادعاءات عرقية وما شابه لا تصنع الا لغرض التغطية ولتبرير استخدام القوة حيث يتم دوما حجب الحقيقة وطلاءها بالسواد بواسطة الدعاية-البروباغندا العنيفة'. واضفت قائلا للطالب ان تعريف هاليفاكس ورد قبل ان يصرح احد اهم رواد المسرح العبثي (مسرح الابسورد) الفيلسوف والكاتب الروائي الروماني-الفرنسي يوجين يونيسكو (1909-1994) بان هدف البروباغندا بالاساس هو هدم وعي وادعاءات الطرف الآخر. فسوف لا نبتعد كثيرا اذا ما شبهنا ما يجري في عالم السياسة الدولية بتركيبة العمل المسرحي. فنهاك المشهد الذي يراه الجمهور على المنصة الخارجية وهناك كل ما يجري خلف الكواليس. ففي السياسة (وشعبتها الخارجية) - العلاقات الدولية - وفي كل نزاع محلي او اقليمي او عالمي هناك من تلقى عليه مهمة ادارة الازمة وآخر، ادارة 'مشهد الازمة' ومن يكتب السيناريو(هات) ومعه يدرج تقسيم الادوار (الرئيسية والثانوية والامامية والخلفية) الذي يقرره عادة المخرج لكي يقع الاختيار على اكثر الممثلين القادرين على اتقان الدور لكي ينفر في النهاية (التراجيدية لنقل) دم المقتول وتذرف دموع الجمهور . 'اعرف ان القتلى من كل الاطراف هم سوريون، ولكن من المستفيد في الشأن السوري'، اردف الطالب. عندها نصحته بالبحث عن الاجابة بشكل مستقل على امل الاستمرار في الحوار بمناسبة اخرى. افترقنا وكان املي، الغير معلن له على الاقل، الا يأتني بتحليل يعالج مواقف من يساهم بادارة السياسة الخارجية للدول وبالتحديد ملف الازمة السورية بل ان يأتي بتحليل عن موقف الجمهور وتلقيه كل هذا الكم المستفيض من الرسائل الاعلامية ومدى وكيفية تأثره او عدمه من الخطاب السياسي المعلن لهذا الطرف او ذاك عبر بياناته المنتشرة في الفضاء العمومي. فقد عكس ارتباك هذا الطالب حيرته كعضو في شريحة من الجمهور (الضلع الاول) وليس بارتباطه بذلك السياسي (الضلع الثاني) الذي يحاول صناعة القرار او ضحايا القرار (الضلع الثالث لمثلث الصراع) بشكل مباشر او غير مباشر .
'الضلع الثالث الذي يتشكل من اولائك الضحايا الذين يتواجدون في بؤرة الصراع على الارض في كلا الطرفين هم وحدهم من يملك (كل منهما على حدى) اجزاء مختلفة من مكونات واقع الاحداث الجارية وذلك قبل تآطير الواقع وادلجته ونقله مباشرة او مسجلا او محرراً بامانة او تلاعب الى الرأي العام ليصبح مشهدا في مقدوره او عدمه المساهمة في تشكيل الرأي العام. كما ان الجناح الاعلامي (مهنيا كان ام هاويا) الاسرع والاكثر مهارة وصاحب العلاقة والادوات لتوصيل ما يؤطره (بغض النظر اذا ما كان يعكس الواقع بشموليته) لعناصر خارجية تملك وسائل الاعلام وتستفيد مادياً من المشاهد الواردة، هو الذي قد يكسب شوط المعركة (وليس بالضرورة كل الاشواط ) الاعلامية المنقولة بشكل صادق او اقل من ذلك. فالرسائل المنقولة اعلاميا قد تؤثر او لا تؤثر على هذا المشاهد او ذاك. احد المشاهد الذي تم اختيارها في المسرحية الاعلامية التي تستهدف نقل الواقع كما تراه وتريده وسائل الاعلام هو ان يلتصق في ذهن المشاهدين عن مجريات الاوضاع في سورية مشهداً استطاع ولو بشكل جزئي ان يخلق في عقول (ولاسباب تعود الى معدل المهنية الاعلامية او سياسة التحرير) شريحة من الناس صراعا نفسياً داخلياً خلاصته: 'انا مع سورية العروبة والمقاومة وضد تقسيمها وتدميرها، ولكن يؤلمني مشاهدة القتل الجاري في بعض المناطق السورية'. هذه الجملة تسلط الضوء على النظم القيمية للفرد وعواطف اخلاقه والا لما كان ليصدر هذا الحكم المركب. فاطلاق الاحكام ينقسم الى نوعين: السخط والاستنكار او الموافقة والاستحسان لممارسات احد الاطراف او جميع الفرقاء. واحياناً يتحول موقف فرد معين من الجمهور من موقف مستحسن يوم امس الى مستنكر اليوم لأعمال طرف في النزاع وذلك بعد ان قام هذا الطرف بفقدان اخلاقياته نتيجة لتبنيه اعمال ثآر عنيفة تجعله يصنف في ذات الفئة التي تم تصنيف الطرف الذي بادر لإستعمال العنف بداية فيها، مما افقد (في نظر شرائح من الجمهور) الطرف المستقبل للعنف بداية، تفوقه الاخلاقي. فاذا افترضنا (وقد اخترت هذه الكلمة لأنني كمحاضر جامعي وباحث اكاديمي ليس لدي دلائل مادية قاطعة مدقق بها لأحكم بشكل موزون وقاطع) ان فرداًافراداً من احد اجنحة الامن السوري قد بادر في مارس 2011 الماضي الى استعمال طاقة العنف الجسدي المدعوم باسلحة وأدى الى اراقة دماء او حتى التسبب بالعذاب للآخرين، فان تطور رد الفعل من قبل بعض الاطراف (اكرر انه من الصعب معرفة عدد وتبعية الفئات المناوئة والعاملة ضد الحكم في سورية) قد اخذ منحىً تبنى فيه هو الاخر استعمال العنف حيث تم نقله كمشهد مضاد. فاذا كانت النظم القيمية الاخلاقية لبعض الشرائح المجتمعية لاولئك الذين يستنكرون اراقة الدماء من قبل عنف مدعوم من الحكومة السورية، فكيف يمكن ان يقبل الفرد ذاته بمشهد يصور اراقة دماء سوريين اخرين على ايدي اطراف مدعومة بالمال والعتاد من قبل جهات عربية او غربية، دون سخط او استنكار؟. فان اصدار الحكم من قبل الافراد او شرائح من الجمهور عما تقوم به الاطراف في سورية، واطلاق مصطلحات عامة ورائجة مثل 'موافق وصحيح' او 'غير موافق وخطاء' لا يحمل معنى الا اذا ارتبط المشهد بمبدأ 'المنفعة' لأحد الاطراف. ولذلك فالفرد (سورياً كان ام عربياً ام آخر) الذي لا مصلحة مالية له في النزاع ولم يتأثر بشكل مباشر او غير مباشر على الارض مما يجري في سورية ويتبنى بشكل بديهي حزمة من النظم القيمية الاخلاقية التي تقف ضد العنف على كل انواعه والتي تفرز اخلاقاً عاطفية غاضبة ضد اعمال القتل من اي طرف، ليس من الاخلاقي ان يستنكر ما تقوم به الحكومة السورية ويغض الطرف ولا يستنكر ما تقوم به الاطراف الاخرى المدعومة سياسيا وماليا وعسكريا من اطراف خارجية والتي تسبب وتوسع رقعة الآلم والخسائر في الارواح. ذلك لأنه سيختل توازن الموقف الاخلاقي اذا تم تطبيقه بشكل منقوص: فكري ومبدئي في حالة معينة وفكري ومبدئي مقرون بالممارسة والنتائج في حالة اخرى، لأن هذا سيظهر ما يسمى بازدواجية المواقف والمعايير وقد يزيد من حجم الازمة النفسية لذلك المشاهد حيث سيجعله يبحث عن مبررات ويعيش في صراع نفسي كالذي يظهر على خشبة المسرح او الشاشة .
ان تتلقى فئات (من الجمهور) تشاهد وتستمع وتقرأ رسائل مؤيدة او معارضة من او عبر وسائل الاعلام لهذه الطرف او ذاك، وتتبنى المشهد المنقول دون مساءلة او مراجعة او تحقيق والتظاهر بأن احكامها موضوعية غير منحازة فهذا لا يعني بالضرورة ان هذه المواقف 'الموضوعية' هي الصواب. فمن يراقب ويسجل مستعملاً مناهج البحث العلمي (الكمي والنوعي) يصل الى نتيجة تستدعي ما سآله الطالب المذكور اعلاه: 'لا اعرف تصديق من فيهم'. فالمسآلة هي ليست فقط 'من يصدق'، بل ان المسآلة تعود هنا فيما اذا كانت نظمك الاخلاقية، انت كمستهلك للمادة الاعلامية، مع استعمال العنف وتبرير اراقة الدماء بشكل من الاشكال ام لا، وذلك قبل ان تعرف الحقيقة من التلاعب في رواية هذا الطرف او ذاك؟
لان وجود الاراء المختلفة بما يتعلق بالصواب والخطأ، هو ما يسلط الضوء على الفرق العاطفي بين البشر والحيوانات، ويتيح للآراء ان تكون عرضة للتغير عبر حيازة كم اكبر من المعلومات ومن اكثر من مصدر واحد والقيام بالمقارنة فيما بينها. هذه هي العملية التي من شأنها ان ترتقي بنا كجمهور مشاهدين الى درجة اعلى من الفهم وتقييم النزاعات السياسية الدموية حتى لا تتحقق الخدعة الدعائية بسهولة نسبية ولكي لا تتم عملية حجب الحقيقة وطلاءها بالبروباغندا السوداء التي ذكرها هاليفاكس.

' اكاديمي جامعة كيمبريدج- بريطانيا

الاثنين، ٢٠ شباط ٢٠١٢

حول الموقف من الإسلام السياسي بعد الربيع العربي الأمريكي - د.ابراهيم علوش

بوصلتنا:  تحليل موقف دوري للحدث السياسي

د. إبراهيم علوش

تناقلت وسائل الإعلام في 12/2/2012 تصريحات لزعيم تنظيم القاعدة أيمن الظواهري، نقلاً عن تسجيل مصور، دعا فيها: أ – للعمل المسلح ضد النظام السوري، ب – لانتقال المسلحين من الدول المجاورة لسوريا للمشاركة بمثل ذلك العمل المسلح. 

وقد جاءت تلك التصريحات بعد يومٍ من تقارير صحفية دولية نقلت عن مصادر أمنية أمريكية قولها أن تفجيرات دمشق وحلب كانت من فعل تنظيم القاعدة، ونقلت عن مسؤولين عراقيين أن مسلحين "جهاديين" تسللوا من العراق إلى سوريا وأن تهريب السلاح إلى سوريا عبر العراق يشهد انتعاشاً كبيراً.

وتأتي هذه الأقوال والأفعال المتعلقة بسوريا بعد مشاركة عناصر محسوبة على "القاعدة" في ليبيا مع حلف الناتو هناك.  ولا بد أن نشير في نفس السياق لافتتاح مكتب سياسي لطالبان في قطر وما يشاع عن الحوار الجاري بين تلك الحركة والولايات المتحدة، كما نشير لانقلاب خريطة التحالفات في أفغانستان وتوجه منظمة شنغهاي للتعاون (أي الصين وروسيا) لاحتضان كرزاي، ومد إيران، على هذا الأساس، لخيوطها باتجاهه.  ونشير لتزايد التوترات داخل باكستان بين الجهاز الأمني الراعي لطالبان وبين القيادة السياسية ممثلة بالرئيس زرداري وحزب الشعب الباكستاني، كما نشير للقمة الإقليمية التي عقدت في باكستان في 18/2/2012 بين زرداري وكرزاي وأحمدي نجاد، وهو ما يمثل نوعاً من الابتعاد عن الولايات المتحدة، خاصة في ضوء تأكيد باكستان على تمديد خط الغاز الإيراني في الوقت الذي تحاول فيه الإمبريالية تشديد الحصار على إيران. 

الفكرة هي أن تصريحات الظواهري الأخيرة، ومشاركة أنصار القاعدة وتلامذتها في عدوان الناتو المباشر وغير المباشر على ليبيا وسوريا، ومجمل التطورات الإقليمية، كلها تدل بأن تلك الحركة وامتداداتها تكاد تكمل دورة كاملة حول نفسها لتعود بسخونة للحبيب الأول من مرحلة الحرب الباردة، عندما كانت مجرد امتداد للمشروع الأمريكي في مواجهة الاتحاد السوفييتي السابق، وها هي توظَف اليوم كجزء من الإستراتيجية الأمريكية لمواجهة الصعود الروسي-الصيني واحتوائه بطوقٍ إخواني-سلفي-"جهادي" لم يعد تحالفه الميداني والسياسي مع الناتو يخفى على أي مراقب موضوعي.

ونقول: تكاد تكمل دورة كاملة حول نفسها، ولم تكمل تلك الدورة تماماً بعد، لأن ثمة نقاط مثل اليمن والصومال لا تزال تعيق اكتمالها، لأنها نقاط لا تزال تعمل بتأثير قوانين المرحلة السابقة، مرحلة "صراع الحضارات" و"الحرب على الإرهاب".  لكن ذلك ليس إلا الاتجاه الهابط، أما الاتجاه الصاعد الذي يزداد اتضاحه إلى حد حسم الشك باليقين يومياً، فهو ذاك الذي برز في ليبيا، ممثلاً بعبد الحكيم بلحاج مثلاً، وهو الاتجاه الذي يبرز الآن من خلال تصريحات الظواهري حول سوريا وتسرب "الجهاديين"، خاصة من غير السوريين، للمساهمة بحسم معركة الولايات المتحدة والاتحاد الأوروبي ل"تغيير النظام" في سوريا.

ويبرز ذلك الاتجاه الصاعد أيضاً بتحول طائرات البنتاغون بلا طيار للتجسس على سوريا، بعيداً عن الميادين التقليدية لما سمي يوماً "الحرب على الإرهاب"، كما نقلت وكالة الصحافة الفرنسية في 18/2/2012 عن قناة تلفزيونية أمريكية قالت أن عدداً معتبراً من تلك الطائرات باتت تطير الآن فوق سوريا لرصد الحالة هناك.  ويشار أن تلك الطائرات قادرة على القيام بعمليات اغتيال وقصف صاروخي، وقادرة على تعطيل شبكات الاتصالات والمعدات الالكترونية والكهربائية، وعلى تسهيل الاتصال مع العملاء على الأرض، وليس على التصوير فحسب، وبالتالي فإن نشر تلك الطائرات، بكميات معتبرة، في سماء سوريا، يؤشر رسمياً على بدء مرحلة التدخل العسكري الغربي المباشر، بغض النظر عن تطمينات راسموسن لروسيا والصين بأن الناتو لا ينوي التدخل المباشر في سوريا.  ونضيف إلى ذلك تقرير موقع السي أن أن في 7/2/2012 بأن البنتاغون يعد خططاً للتدخل العسكري في سوريا لتكون جاهزة في حالة تغير التوجه السياسي.

وقد جاء تدمير جرذان الناتو ومجلس التعاون الخليجي لنصب القائد القومي العربي خالد الذكر جمال عبد الناصر في بنغازي في 11/2/2012 بالجرافات والمطارق ليؤكد من خلال رمزية الحدث أن ما يسمى ب"الربيع العربي" هو (أو قد تحول إلى - كما يرغب القارئ الكريم، لأن النتيجة واحدة) مشروع انقلاب على كل رموز وعناوين مرحلة المد القومي التحرري في الوطن العربي في الخمسينات والستينات.  وبهذا المعنى، فإن ذلك "الربيع" يكون قد بدأ رسمياً في العراق عام 2003، ويكون تحالف الإخوان المسلمين، من خلال الحزب الإسلامي العراقي، مع الولايات المتحدة وحلف الناتو قد تم تجديده هناك، بين طارق الهاشمي وبول بريمر، دون أن يعفي ذلك الأحزاب الكردية والإيرانية في العراق من عقد التحالف نفسه وقتها وأكثر، سوى أن الحليف الأبرز اليوم بات الإخوان والسلفيين والجهاديين، إلا من رحم ربي.

ومن هنا لا بد لنا اليوم كقوميين جذريين أن نراجع موقفنا السابق من السلفية الجهادية التي أيدناها علناً عندما كانت تقارع الإمبريالية الأمريكية وحلفاءها (على ذلك الصعيد فحسب، وليس في كل مواقفها أو في برنامجها الثقافي والاجتماعي طبعاً).  وكان موقفنا وقتها ينبني على كونها أصبحت في فترة "الحرب على الإرهاب" ممثلة للقطيعة الجذرية مع الإمبريالية وامتداداتها سياسياً وثقافياً، ومع الأمر الواقع العربي، وأنها كانت تمثل بالتالي ردة فعل عمياء، تخلو من الوعي السياسي، ولكن لا تخلو من الحس العفوي السليم، على رثاثة الواقع العربي بكل تجلياته السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية.  فلقد كانت تتصرف أحياناً كالثور الهائج في متجر للزجاجيات، لكنه كان ثوراً مخيفاً ورادعاً لأعداء الأمة أحياناً، وكانت دوافع هياجه وثورته مشروعة... ولو كان مفتقداً تماماً للعقل السياسي أو حتى التنظيمي.

أما الآن، فقد اختلف الاصطفاف، وبات من الضروري أن نشير أن كثيراً من فصائل الإسلام السياسي، ولا نقول كلها، قد عادت إلى موقع التحالف مع الإمبريالية بعد عشرين عاماً ونيف من انهيار الاتحاد السوفييتي، أصبحت خلالها موضوعياً إحدى حوامل النقمة الشعبية العربية بصفتها قوة عمل عسكرية/ سياسية/ أيديولوجية فائضة مسرحة من خدمة الإمبريالية، تماماً كجيشٍ رفض تقبل أوامر حله، فتحول إلى قوة مناهضة لأسياده السابقين، وبالتالي إلى قوة مقاومة موضوعياً، إلى حين... كما اتضح من الصورة الآن.

وكانت الإمبريالية قد حاولت فرض النهج الليبرالي والتغريب بديلاً في بلادنا على مدى ذينك العقدين، ففشلت مع عامة الناس، ونجحت مع النخب السياسية والثقافية إلى حدٍ ما، حتى بات هنالك ليبراليون يزعمون أنهم قوميون أو ماركسيون أو إسلاميون (يمكن أن تكشفهم بسرعة من كثرة حديثهم عن الديموقراطية بدلاً من التناقض الرئيسي مع الإمبريالية والصهيونية ومشروع الوحدة والتحرير والنهضة).  لكن كل جهود الإمبريالية لتعميم النهج الليبرالي النافي لأي وعي وانتماء قومي ووطني، وكل جهود منظمات التمويل الأجنبي، وبرامج التدريب والتمويل، على ذلك الصعيد، لم تنجح بإنتاج انقلاب مجتمعي حقيقي بهذا الاتجاه، إلا عند شريحة من الشباب تبقى، ولو بلغ تعدادها عشرات الآلاف، أقلية بلا جذور أو إرث حقيقي في مجتمعنا العربي. 

على هذه الأرضية، يجب أن ننظر للحملة التي يديرها المجلس العسكري في مصر ضد منظمات التمويل الأجنبي الغربية (لأن الحملة لا تتطرق للتمويل الخليجي الموجه لبعض الإسلاميين في مصر) باعتبارها صراعاً على غنائم "الربيع العربي" بين زلم الأمريكان الليبراليين من جهة، وحلفاء الأمريكان الإسلاميين من جهة أخرى.  وهو صراع لا يعنينا كثيراً كقوميين جذريين لأنه لا ينطلق من طرح التناقضات الأساسية الداخلية والخارجية، ولا ينطلق من المصلحة العليا للأمة العربية في تحقيق مشروع الوحدة والتحرير والنهضة.

وقد أصبح من الواضح أن أساس الصفقة بين  من زعموا أنهم إسلاميون، من جهة، والإمبريالية، من جهة أخرى، هو تسليم زاعمي الإسلام للإمبريالية بالسياسة والاقتصاد (التبعية للخارج والمعاهدات الدولية ومع الكيان الصهيوني والسماح للشركات الدولية بأن ترتع في بلادنا كما تشاء، بغض النظر عن الذرائع)، مقابل تسليم الإمبريالية لهم بهندسة المجتمع ثقافياً كما يرغبون، وهو ما لن تسلم به الإمبريالية إلا ضمن قواعد لعبة "ديموقراطية" ملغومة، تتيح لها اختراقها من الداخل على المدى البعيد.  ومن هنا فإن انقضاض المجلس العسكري في مصر على التمويل الغربي بالتحديد، والمنظمات التي تدير لعبته، ليس إلا محاولة لقطع دابر تلك الإستراتيجية الثقافية-الاجتماعية التي تفعل فعلها ببطء ولكن بثبات.  لكن العنوان الحقيقي لتلك المعركة ليس السيادة، بل الصراع على السلطة بين حلفاء الأمس القريب.

ويمكن أن نضيف للصراع على السلطة بين حلفاء الأمس القريب ما يجري في العراق بين نوري المالكي وطارق الهاشمي، والعنوان المشترك هو دوماً محاربة القومية العربية وأي توجه قومي عروبي.  وعلى الرغم من اصطفاف المالكي خارج المعسكر المناوئ لسوريا حالياً بفعل تأثير إيران، فإن ذلك ليس إلا اعتباراً عابراً مؤقتاً يمكن أن ينقلب إلى ضده بسرعة في ظروفٍ سياسية مختلفة.  وندرك حاجة سوريا التكتيكية للمالكي في خضم هذه المعركة المصيرية لكل العرب والعالم على أرض الشام، لذلك لن نزيد، سوى أن التجييش الطائفي في العراق بين السنة والشيعة يضر بسوريا ومعركتها ولا يفيدهما، وكل من يسهم بإشعال مثل ذلك التجييش الطائفي في العراق يسهم بشق المجتمع السوري (واللبناني... والخليجي)، ولهذا لا بد من العودة للتذكير بالعروبة قاسماً مشتركاً بين السنة والشيعة والمسلمين والمسيحيين في أرض العرب.  فهذه باتت ضرورة موضوعية، لا مجرد شعار جميل، كما راحت تظهر الأحداث في كل مفصل.    


الأحد، ١٢ شباط ٢٠١٢

ديمقراطيات اسلامية بوصاية امريكية- موفق محادين

موفق محادين
2012-02-13

العنوان ليس من عندي بل كان عنوانا في ملحق اليوم السابع الذي كانت تصدره جريدة "العرب اليوم" "تاريخ الثاني من حزيران 2003" اي قبل تسعة اعوام, وكانت المادة من تحرير الزميل حسين جلعاد.

بيد ان الاهم من هذا العنوان "ديمقراطيات اسلامية تحت الوصاية الامريكية" هو صاحب هذه الدعوة او المشروع وهو الامريكي اليهودي, نوح فيلدمان احد مهندسي تحطيم العراق, وفيلسوف دستور فدرالية الطوائف العراقية التي استهدفت ضرب فكرة القومية العربية واستبدالها باتحاد طوائف ومذاهب..

اما الاهم من الاهم السابق, فهو الاسماء والقوى التي اقترحها هذا اليهودي لقيادة "العالم العربي الجديد" حسب وصفه ومنها يوسف القرضاوي في مصر وراشد الغنوشي في تونس وغيرهما..

ويضيف فيلدمان, من الافضل للولايات المتحدة التخلي عن سياساتها السابقة في تبني الانظمة التقليدية لصالح الرهان على الحركات الاسلامية المعتدلة ويتابع في كتابه الذي اصدره لهذه الغاية, تحت عنوان "بعد الجهاد: امريكا والكفاح من اجل الديمقراطية الاسلامية" وبالحرف الواحد ما يلي:

1- "اي خطر علينا من الاسلاميين.. انهم في الحقيقة افضل امل لتحقيق الديمقراطية في الشرق الاوسط".

2- "انه حتى لو اعلن الاسلاميون عن انشاء دول اسلامية في حال توليهم السلطة فان هذه الانظمة قد تكون اكثر فائدة من الانظمة القائمة".

3- "بالنسبة للمصالح الامريكية فمن الخطأ الاعتقاد بان الاسلاميين متعارضون معها ولذلك يستحقون التجربة الديمقراطية والوصول الى السلطة.. انهم املنا في العالم الاسلامي".

4- يركز فيلدمان على شخصيتين اسلاميتين هما القرضاوي والغنوشي ويدعو لدعمهما وتسهيل وصول تأثيرهما في العالم الاسلامي والعربي اضافة لشخصيات اخرى, مثل خالد ابو الفضل وعبدالكريم سوروش الايراني وفهمي هويدي.

5- ويختم فيلدمان تصوراته بحث الادارة الامريكية على تبني نموذج الاسلام التركي وتمكينه انطلاقا من "الشرق الاوسط".